تدریس

dsf

agriculture

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۵۰ ۸ بازديد
Agriculture
Gurpreet, Madho and Tina were walking through
the village where they saw a farmer tilling land. The
farmer told them that he was growing wheat and had
just added manure to the soil to make it more fertile.
He told the children that the wheat would fetch a
good price in the mandi from where it would be taken
to factories to make bread and biscuits from flour.
This transformation from a plant to a finished
product involves three types of economic activities.
These are primary, secondary and tertiary activities.
Primary activities include all those connected
with extraction and production of natural resources.
Agriculture, fishing and gathering are good examples.
Secondary activities are concerned with the processing
of these resources. Manufacturing of steel, baking of
bread and weaving of cloth are examples of this activity.
Tertiary activities provide support to the primary and
secondary sectors through services. Transport, trade,
banking, insurance and advertising are examples of
tertiary activities.
Agriculture is a primary activity. It includes growing
crops, fruits, vegetables, flowers and rearing of livestock.
In the world, 50 per cent of persons are engaged in
agricultural activity. Two-thirds of India’s population is
still dependent on agriculture.
Favourable topography of soil and climate are vital
for agricultural activity. The land on which the crops
are grown is known as arable land (Fig. 3.1). In the map
you can see that agricultural activity is concentrated in
those regions of the world where suitable factors for the
growing of crops exist.
Word Origin
The word
agriculture is
derived from Latin
words ager or agri
meaning soil and
culture meaning,
cultivation.2024-25
 
 
Fig. 3.1: World Distribution of Arable Land
Do you know?
Viticulture
Cultivation of grapes.
Horticulture
Growing vegetables, flowers and fruits for commercial use.
Sericulture
Commercial rearing of silk worms. It may supplement the
income of the farmer.
Agriculture
The science and art of cultivation on the soil, raising
crops and rearing livestock. It is also called farming.
Farm SyStem
Agriculture or farming can be looked at as a system. The
important inputs are seeds, fertilisers, machinery and
Pisciculture
Breeding of fish in specially constructed tanks and ponds.
23A griculture
+ Culture
Agri
Seri
Pisci
Viti
Horti2024-25
 
 
24 resources And development
labour. Some of the operations involved are ploughing,
sowing, irrigation, weeding and harvesting. The outputs
from the system include crops, wool, dairy and poultry
products.
typeS oF Farming
Farming is practised in various ways across the world.
Depending upon the geographical conditions, demand
of produce, labour and level of technology, farming can
be classified into two main types. These are subsistence
farming and commercial farming.
Subsistence Farming
This type of farming is practised to meet the needs of the
farmer’s family. Traditionally, low levels of technology
and household labour are used to produce on small
output. Subsistence farming can be further classified
as intensive subsistence and primitive subsistence
farming.
In intensive subsistence agriculture the farmer
cultivates a small plot of land using simple tools and
more labour. Climate with large number of days with
sunshine and fertile soils permit growing of more than
one crop annually on the same plot. Rice is the main
crop. Other crops include wheat, maize, pulses and
oilseeds. Intensive subsistence agriculture is prevalent
in the thickly populated areas of the monsoon regions
of south, southeast and east Asia.
Processes Outputs
Fig 3.2: The farm system of an arable farm Fig 3.3: Physical and human farm inputs
H u m a n
Inputs
Crops
Interesting Fact
Organic Farming
In this type of
farming, organic
manure and
natural pesticides
are used instead
of chemicals.
No genetic
modification is
done to increase
the yield of the
crop.
Ploughing
Sowing
Spraying
Chemicals
Inputs
Machinery
Seeds
Sunshine
Temperature Soil
Slope
Physical Inputs
Rainfall
Storage
Machinery
Labour
Chemicals2024-25
 
 
25A GRICULTURE
Do you know?
Shifting cultivation
is known by
different names in
different parts of
the world
Jhumming -
North-East India
Milpa -Mexico,
Central America
Roca - Brazil.
Ladang - Malaysia
Primitive subsistence agriculture includes shifting
cultivation and nomadic herding.
Shifting cultivation is practised in the thickly
forested areas of Amazon basin, tropical Africa, parts of
southeast Asia and Northeast India. These are the areas
of heavy rainfall and quick regeneration of vegetation.
A plot of land is cleared by felling the trees and burning
them. The ashes are then mixed with the soil and crops
like maize, yam, potatoes and cassava are grown. After
the soil loses its fertility, the land is abandoned and the
cultivator moves to a new plot. Shifting cultivation is
also known as ‘slash and burn’ agriculture.
Nomadic herding is practised in the semi-arid
and arid regions of Sahara, Central Asia and some
parts of India, like Rajasthan and Jammu and
Kashmir. In this type of farming, herdsmen
move from place to place with their animals for
fodder and water, along defined routes. This
type of movement arises in response to climatic
constraints and terrain. Sheep, camel, yak and
goats are most commonly reared. They provide
milk, meat, wool, hides and other products to
the herders and their families.
Commercial Farming
In commercial farming crops are grown and
animals are reared for sale in market. The area
cultivated and the amount of capital used is
large. Most of the work is done by machines.
Commercial farming includes commercial
grain farming, mixed farming and plantation
agriculture (Fig 3.5).
In commercial grain farming crops are grown
for commercial purpose. Wheat and maize are
common commercially grown grains. Major
areas where commercial grain farming is
pracised are temperate grasslands of North America,
Europe and Asia. These areas are sparsely populated
with large farms spreading over hundreds of hectares.
Severe winters restrict the growing season and only a
single crop can be grown.
In mixed farming the land is used for growing
food and fodder crops and rearing livestock.
Fig 3.4: Nomadic Herders with
their camels
Fig 3.5: A Sugarcane
plantation2024-25
 
 
26 resources And development
It is practised in Europe, eastern USA, Argentina,
southeast Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.
Plantations are a type of commercial farming
where single crop of tea, coffee, sugarcane, cashew,
rubber, banana or cotton are grown. Large amount
of labour and capital are required. The produce may
be processed on the farm itself or in nearby factories.
The development of a transport network is thus
essential for such farming.
Major plantations are found in the tropical
regions of the world. Rubber in Malaysia, coffee
in Brazil, tea in India and Sri Lanka are some
examples.
Major Crops
A large variety of crops are grown to meet the
requirement of the growing population. Crops also
supply raw materials for agro based industries.
Major food crops are wheat, rice, maize and
millets. Jute and cotton are fibre crops. Important
beverage crops are tea and coffee.
Rice: Rice is the major food crop of the world. It
is the staple diet of the tropical and sub-tropical
regions. Rice needs high temperature, high
humidity and rainfall. It grows best in alluvial
clayey soil, which can retain water. China leads in
the production of rice followed by India, Japan, Sri
Lanka and Egypt. In favourable climatic conditions
as in West Bengal and Bangladesh two to three
crops are grown in a year.
Wheat: Wheat requires moderate temperature and
rainfall during growing season and bright sunshine
at the time of harvest. It thrives best in well drained
loamy soil. Wheat is grown extensively in USA,
Canada, Argentina, Russia, Ukraine, Australia
and India. In India it is grown in winter.
Millets: They are also known as coarse grains and
can be grown on less fertile and sandy soils. It is
a hardy crop that needs low rainfall and high to
Fig 3.7: Rice Cultivation
Fig 3.8: Wheat Harvesting
Fig 3.6: A Banana Plantation
Fig 3.9: Bajra Cultivation2024-25
 
 
 
 
29A GRICULTURE
Munna Lal also has two buffaloes and few hens. He
sells milk in the cooperative store located in the nearby
town. He is a member of the co-operative society which
also advises him on the type of fodder for his animals,
safety measures to protect the health of the livestock
and artificial insemination.
All the members of the family help him
in various farm activities. Sometimes, he
takes credit from a bank or the agricultural
co-operative society to buy HYV seeds and
implements.
He sells his produce in the mandi located
in the nearby town. Since majority of the
farmers do not have lack storage facilities,
they are forced to sell the produce even
when the market is not favourable to them.
In recent years, the government has taken
some steps to develop storage facilites.
A Farm in the USA
The average size of a farm in the USA is much
larger than that of an Indian farm. A typical
farm size in the USA is about 250 hectares.
The farmer generally resides in the farm.
Some of the major crops grown are corn,
soyabean, wheat, cotton and sugarbeet.
Joe Horan, a farmer in the Midwest USA, in
Iowa State owns about 300 hectares of land.
He grows corn on his field after making sure
that soil and water resources meet the needs
of this crop. Adequate measures are taken to control
pests that can damage the crop. From time to time
he sends the soil samples to a soil testing laboratory
to check whether the
nutrients are sufficient or
not. The results help Joe
Horan to plan a scientific
fertiliser programme. His
computer is linked to the
satellite which gives him
a precise picture of his
field. This helps him to
use chemical fertilisersFig 3.17: Spray of Pesticides
Fig 3.16: A Farm in the USA
Fig 3.15: An Agricultural Field in India2024-25
 
 
30 resources And development
Exercises
1. Answer the following questions.
(i) What is agriculture?
(ii) Name the factors influencing agriculture?
(iii) What is shifting cultivation? What are its disadvantages?
(iv) What is plantation agriculture?
(v) Name the fibre crops and name the climatic conditions required for their
growth.
2. Tick the correct answer.
(i) Horticulture means
(a) growing of fruits and vegetables (b) primitive farming
(c) growing of wheat
(ii) Golden fibre refers to
(a) tea (b) cotton (c) jute
(iii) Leading producers of coffee
(a) Brazil (b) India (c) Russia
3. Give reasons.
(i) In India agriculture is a primary activity.
(ii) Different crops are grown in different regions.
4. Distinguish between the followings.
(i) Primary activites and tertiary activities
(ii) Subsistence farming and intenstive farming.
5. Activity
(i) Collect seeds of wheat, rice, jowar, bajra, ragi, maize, oilseeds and pulses
available in the market. Bring them to the class and find out in which type
of soil they grow.
(ii) Find out the difference between the life style of farmers in the USA and
India on the basis of pictures collected from magazines, books, newspapers
and the Internet

grammer writing

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۴۶ ۷ بازديد
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 2 - Information sequence: Describing
23
Task 2.10
Practise using some cause / effect language: complete the sentences below with the six expressions
provided. Take care with the prepositions.
can result brings contributes lies affects has an influence
1 Poverty ______________ behind crime
2 Poverty ______________ to crime
3 Poverty ______________ in crime
4 Poverty ______________ on crime rates
5 Poverty ______________ crime
6 Poverty ______________ about crime
Task 2.11
Which of the following factors do you think has the greatest effect on a person’s success in learning a
foreign language?
age ******* height personality
income musicality intelligence job
Write a short text about how the factor you have chosen influences the way someone learns another
language.
(You could refer to cause/effect in Wordfinder, including the subsection on ‘having an effect on a
person’, if you have access to a copy.)
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 2 - Information sequence: Describing
24
Extension Tasks
[Please do not send these tasks to us. If possible, show your answers to the tasks
to another student and ask them for their comments and corrections.]
You could practice the grammar studied in this unit by trying the following task(s):
Task 2.12
Go to the library and find an interesting textbook. Copy out some of the paragraphs
and draw a diagram to illustrate the flow of information in the paragraphs. Show
your answers to someone.
Task 2.13
Take a piece of academic writing you have done recently and select from it a short
passage (e.g. your introduction). Identify the ways in which you have organised the
information. Does if flow from old to new information? If not, change the order of
information to make it flow better. Show your two versions to someone and ask
them to identify which version flows better.
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 2 - Information sequence: Describing
25
Study Notes for Unit 2
This unit is of particular importance to making your writing clear and understandable to the British
reader. The area we deal with in the unit - the order in which information is presented in academic
English - is often overlooked when people talk about 'grammar'. In fact, this is an area in which British
students also have difficulties, because it is rarely taught in their English classes at school.
Task 2.1
Our answer is given at the top of the second page of the unit.
Task 2.2
No, it doesn’t. It displays the same weaknesses as Version 1 of the Norma text.
Task 2.3
(There are 188,000 lakes in Finland)
They greatly concern many people
or: They are causing great concern to many people
They are of great concern to many people
Most of the larger lakes (or: ones) have been polluted by chemicals
This was recently confirmed by a Finnish government report
or: This was confirmed by a recent Finnish government report
Task 2.4 The original order was C – E – B – D – A, with the old-new links shown below:
Computers are an essential part of manufacturing industry. They have made possible improvements in
production. One of these changes is the more economical use of raw materials. In addition, their
introduction has led to (resulted in) faster manufacturing processes. Computerisation has now reduced
the prices of many goods.
Task 2.5
Sentence 6 would be better if it began: Repayments automatically begin in the April following…
Task 2.6
Possible solution, with better ‘flow’:
The first step in an archaeological excavation or survey is the selection of the site. First, the
archaeologists should learn as much as they can about a site, such as who lived there, how old it is,
and what timeframe it covered. They accomplish this initial analysis through the use of such things as
maps, photographs, regional studies, oral histories, and historic documents of surrounding sites. Once
this is done, the archaeologists must then assess the possible results of the excavation. They take into
consideration whether or not the work done at a site will yield innovative or duplicated results.
Because the information that comes from a site can only be viewed once, careful deliberation must
also take place to determine whether or not the proper funds, technology, and human resources are
available to perform the excavation properly.
Note: The solution follows the pattern of referring back to what is known and giving new information.
Most sentences start with something that has been mentioned in the previous sentence. This creates
a good sense of cohesion and flow. In the original text, however, most new sentences start with a new
idea, making it difficult for the reader to follow the thread of the story.
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 2 - Information sequence: Describing
26
Task 2.7 is an open question, for which we have no sample answer. If you would like to email us your
text, we will correct it (if you are one of our ESSENTIAL students) and return it to you with comments.
We can then include it in a future version of this course, if you give us permission.
Task 2.8 Sample answer:
Data were collected on tree growth: density per hectare, diameter and height. The trees in the sample
area were counted and then the tree density was calculated by dividing their number by the area.
Each tree was measured for its diameter as breast height (dbh) in centimetres and the total tree
height in metres. Next, the tree growth model was calculated by using the regression and
interpolation model, in which the factors above were the ordinate factor and growth the abscissa
factor.
Task 2.9 Sample answer:
Academic posts at British universities are advertised in the national press and on the Internet.
Applications are invited from candidates who meet the qualification criteria that are set out in the
advert. A deadline is set, after which the applications are analysed. A shortlist is then drawn up of
candidates who will be asked to attend an interview; reference letters are requested from the two or
(normally) three referees named by each candidate. Once the shortlisted candidates have been
interviewed, one is chosen and invited to take the post. If he or she decides not to accept it, then the
second-best candidate is normally offered the job. Occasionally the post is re-advertised again and the
whole process repeated if the chosen candidate turns down the post.
So the British system is based on public advertising and personal references, unlike other countries
where academic posts are awarded on the basis of competitive exams and testimonial letters.
Task 2.10
1 lies 2 contributes 3 can result, or: plays a part
4 has an effect/influence 5 affects 6 brings
Task 2.11
In my opinion personality has a great influence on a person’s success in learning a foreign language.
Many aspects of personality have a direct effect on that learning. One of the most important is
perseverance, which makes the learner work hard and not be affected by difficulties. Another side of
personality which contributes to a person’s success in learning is whether he or she is optimistic. Also,
motivation has a marked effect on how well someone learns; it usually prompts him/her to use as
much intelligence as possible.
References
i Briefing Note by the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals of the Universities of the United
Kingdom. August 1995.
ii Adapted from ‘A case study of two readers’ in Carrell, Devine and Eskey (eds) Interactive
Approaches to Second Language Reading. Cambridge University Press, 198, page 131.
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 3 – Indirectness: Making requests
27
3 INDIRECTNESS: Making requests
We will be using the term indirectness in this unit to refer to ways of sounding polite
or reasonable in the demands you make of other people. It may be that you will find
yourself needing to ask for advice and help in a range of situations – in your
Department, the Accommodation Office, the Advice Place, and so on. The English
you use when you first approach the person can influence the way they receive you.
British people value indirectness more than other English-speaking communities,
and so in this unit we examine a number of ways of being effectively indirect.
Task 3.1
What is the common feature of the six sentences below? (They are separate items - not a
conversation.)
Could I ask you a favour?
I wanted to make an appointment with Dr Flowers
I was hoping to see Dr Flowers
What was the name?
Suppose I came back some time tomorrow morning?
Would it be ok if I waited till she’s back?
What they share is the use of a Past verb form (could, or Past Continuous, or Past
Simple) to convey respect and reasonableness. Using a more direct-sounding form
such as
I want to make an appointment
or I’m hoping to see Dr Flowers
could give the impression that you are impatient, or that you are expecting other
people to fit in with your needs. (Even if you are, it’s more effective with British
people to appear not to!)
Task 3.2
Think about how you would translate the six sentences into your first language. Would you express
the verbs as past forms, or would it be done differently in your language?
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 3 – Indirectness: Making requests
28
Written requests: Letters and emails
While studying at Edinburgh you are likely to need to send various types of written
messages to individuals or institutions. You may have to write to arrange an
appointment, or to apply for funding, or for a job. In this sort of writing - especially
in letters - it is important to follow the established conventions of formal English,
and to express your requests politely.
Task 3.3
Read the three letters on this page and the next, and underline the expressions that mark politeness.
LETTER 1
Dr Mary Close
Department of Chaotics
18 Buccleuch Place
Edinburgh EH8 9DX
2 August 2008
Dear Dr Close
I am currently studying on the MSc in Applied Chaotics, and am now considering
whether to apply to do a higher degree. During the course of my studies, I have become
increasingly interested in some of the more theoretical aspects of environmental
chaotics. As this is your field of special expertise, my Course Director, Dr Hector Braine, has
suggested that I might ask you for advice. I wonder if it would be possible for me to meet you
briefly at some point over the next three weeks to discuss my ideas for research? I am free
every afternoon after 3.30, except Thursdays, and on Friday mornings.
Could you possibly let me know whether any of these times would be suitable? I
would hope not to take up more than half an hour of your time. You could contact
me by e-mail, or leave a note in my pigeon-hole in the Department.
Yours sincerely
Paul Hsiao
s089003214@sms.ed
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 3 – Indirectness: Making requests
29
LETTER 2
Gillian Brown
Director of Studies
English Language Teaching Centre
21 Hill Place
Edinburgh EH8 9DP
33 Dalziel Terrace
Edinburgh EH22 6BZ
2 February 2010
Dear Gillian Brown,
At the suggestion of Kenneth Anderson, I am writing to ask if the English Language Centre might
have need of a teacher for any of its courses in August and/or September. Edinburgh is my home
town and working at Edinburgh would give me an opportunity to spend some time at home as well.
My preference would be for work on either a general English or EAP course, though I would be ready
to do other teaching as well. I enclose a recent version of my CV.
I look forward to hearing from you or one of your colleagues.
Yours sincerely,
LETTER 3
Dr J. Khan
Institute of Sociological Research
University of Auchtermuchty
New Zealand
18 September 2008
Dear Dr Khan
I would greatly appreciate receiving a reprint of your article “Towards a semiology of
graffiti”. From what I know of your other work, this article would be very relevant to my
research.
Thanking you in advance.
Yours sincerely
Phil Anderer
Task 4
Underline the instances of would in the three letters.
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 3 – Indirectness: Making requests
30
Would
The modal verb would occurs frequently in formal letters like those we have just
looked at, indicating that the situation you are talking about is uncertain or
hypothetical. Using would in requests and suggestions in letters expresses polite
‘distance’. One way of explaining why English adopts this form is to think of it as a
hidden conditional: if the person helped, you would be grateful.
Task 3.5
Rewrite these examples as full conditional sentences, like the first one:
My preference would be for evening work.
= I would prefer evening work if it were available
I would greatly appreciate receiving your article.
=
Obviously I would be willing to accept other work
=
Task 3.6
Below are 20 examples of would used in letters of application from teachers looking for work at ELTC.
Underline the would expressions. When you have done all 20 sentences, on the next page write down
the most common ones. Then answer the questions that follow.
1. As well as teaching English I would also be interested in teaching Italian or Turkish
2. I would not like to apply for the advertised posts but would very much like to be considered for
any possible vacant post on either a part-time or a full-time basis.
3. I would be willing to come over to the Centre to discuss the matter with you at your
convenience.
4. I would be very grateful if you could send me further details of the posts and let me know if you
would consider me for one of the positions available.
5. I have enclosed my CV and would be grateful if you could let me know of any vacancies.
6. I would be most grateful if you could let me know whether you are likely to require any teaching
staff during this period.
7. If you wish to obtain references, I would suggest that you contact ---- and ----.
8. Would it be possible to come and see you about the possibility of finding work with the Centre?
9. I would be able to come and see you any time next week.
10. I would very much like to have further details.
 
 
Grammar for Academic Writing: Unit 3 – Indirectness: Making requests
31
11. I would be interested in doing some teaching at Hill Place during the summer and enclose my CV
for your inspection.
12. I am particularly interested in the English for University Studies course but would also be willing
to assist in General English courses.
13. However, from June this year I'll be seeking employment of an EFL/SL/SP nature and would be
grateful if you could keep my application under consideration should any vacancies occur.
14. Alternatively I would be very grateful if you could give me any other addresses to contact.
15. I am interested in gaining experience in the field of EFL teacher training and would be grateful if,
in your reply, you could indicate any possibilities of my being able to do so in your department.
16. If you have any information which might be of use, I would be grateful to hear from you at the
address on the enclosed CV.
17. On completion of my contract in April I shall be returning to the UK and would welcome the
opportunity to teach in the language department of a University or College of Higher Education.
18. I would very much like to be considered for this work and enclose a copy of my CV which gives
my personal details, education and previous experience.
19. In response to your advertisement for an English teacher to work in Edinburgh this summer, I
would like to be considered for the post.
20. I would be most grateful if you could let me know of any post available at the English Language
Teaching Centre or elsewhere in Edinburgh.
Data supplied by Dr Hugh Trappes-Lomax
Questions:
1. The function of these letters is to apply for jobs. Why do people usually write I would like to apply
rather than I am applying?
2. Which expressions are used to make polite requests? Write them belo

service of love

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۴۴ ۶ بازديد
H E N ONE LOVES ONES ART no service seems too hard.
That is our premise. This story shall draw a conclusion from it,
and show at the same time that the premise is incorrect. That will
be a new thing in logic, and a feat in story-telling somewhat older
than the Great Wall of China.
Joe Larrabee came out of the post-oak flats of the Middle West
pulsing with a genius for pictorial art. At six he drew a picture of
the town pump with a prominent citizen passing it hastily. This
effort was framed and hung in the drug store window by the side
of the ear of corn with an uneven number of rows. At twenty he
left for New York with a flowing necktie and a capital tied up
somewhat closer.
Delia Caruthers did things in six octaves so promisingly in a
pine-tree village in the South that her relatives chipped in enough
in her chip hat for her to go 'North' and 'finish.' They could not
see her f - , but that is our story
Joe and Delia met in an atelier where a number of art and music
students had gathered to discuss chiaroscuro, Wagner, music,
Rembrandt's works pictures, Waldteufel, wall-paper, Chopin, and
Oolong.
Joe and Delia became enamoured one of the other or each of
the other, as you please, and in a short time were married - for
(see above), when one loves one's Art no service seem too hard.
Mr. and Mrs. Larrabee began housekeeping in a flat. It was a
lonesome flat - something like the A sharp way down at the left-
hand end of the keyboard. And they were happy; for they had their
Art and they had each other. And my advice to the rich young man
would be - sell all thou hast, and give it to the poor - janitor for
the privilege of living in a flat with your Art and your Delia.
Flat-dwellers shall endorse my dictum that theirs is the only
 
 
22 O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S
true happiness. If a home is happy it cannot fit too close - let the
dresser collapse and become a billiard table; let the mantel turn to
a rowing machine, the escritoire to a spare bedchamber, the wash-
stand to an upright piano; let the four walls come together, if they
will, so you and your Delia are between. But if home be the other
kind, let it be wide and long - enter you at the Golden Gate, hang
your hat on Hatteras, your cape on Cape Horn, and go out by
Labrador.
Joe was painting in the class of the great Magister - you know
his fame. His fees are high; his lessons are light - his high-lights
have brought him renown. Delia was studying under Rosenstock -
you know his repute as a disturber of the piano keys.
They were mighty happy as long as their money lasted. So is
every - but I will not be cynical. Their aims were very clear and
defined. Joe was to become capable very soon of turning out pic
tures that old gentlemen with thin side-whiskers and thick pocket-
books would sandbag one another in his studio for the privilege of
buying. Delia was to become familiar and then contemptuous with
Music, so that when she saw the orchestra seats and boxes unsold
she could have sore throat and lobster in a private dining-room
and refuse to go on the stage.
But the best, in my opinion, was the home life in the little flat -
the ardent, voluble ********s after the day's study; the cosy dinners
and fresh, light breakfasts; the interchange of ambitions - ambi
tions interwoven each with the other's or else inconsiderable - the
mutual help and inspiration; and - overlook my artlessness -
stuffed olives and cheese sandwiches at 11p.m.
But after awhile Art flagged. It sometimes does, even if some
switchman doesn't flag it. Everything going out and nothing
coming in, as the vulgarians say. Money was lacking to pay Mr.
Magister and Herr Rosenstock their prices. When one loves one's
Art no service seems too hard. So, Delia said she must give music
lessons to keep the chafing dish bubbling.
For two or three days she went out canvassing for pupils. One
evening she came home elated.
'Joe, dear,' she said gleefully, 'I've a pupil. And, oh, the loveliest
people! General - General A. B. Pinkney's daughter - on Seventy-
first Street. Such a splendid house, Joe - you ought to see the
front door! Byzantine I think you would call it. And inside! Oh,
Joe, I never saw anything like it before.
'My pupil is his daughter Clementina. I dearly love her already.
She's a delicate thing - dresses always in white; and the sweetest,
 
 
O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S 23
simplest manners! Only eighteen years old. I'm to give three
lessons a week; and, just think, Joe! $5 a lesson. I don't mind it a
bit; for when I get two or three more pupils I can resume my
lessons with Herr Rosenstock. Now, smooth out that wrinkle
between your brows, dear, and let's have a nice supper.'
'That's all right for you, Dele,' said Joe, attacking a can of peas
with a carving knife and a hatchet, 'but how about me? Do you
think I'm going to let you hustle for wages while I philander in the
regions of high art? Not by the bones of Benvenuto Cellini! I
guess I can sell papers or lay cobblestones, and bring in a dollar or
two.'
Delia came and hung about his neck.
'Joe, dear, you are silly. You must keep on at your studies. It is
not as if I had quit my music and gone to work at something else.
While I teach I learn. I am always with my music. And we can live
as happily as millionaires on $15 a week. You mustn't think of
leaving Mr. Magister.'
'All right,' said Joe, reaching for the blue scalloped vegetable
dish. 'But I hate for you to be giving lessons. It isn't Art. But
you're a trump and a dear to do it.'
'When one loves one's Art no service seems too hard,' said
Delia.
'Magister praised the sky in that sketch I made in the park,' said
Joe. 'And Tinkle gave me permission to hang two of them in his
window. I may sell one if the right kind of a moneyed idiot sees
them.'
'I'm sure you will,' said Delia sweetly. 'And now let's be thankful
for General Pinkney and this veal roast.'
During all of the next week the Larrabees had an early break
fast. Joe was enthusiastic about some morning-effect sketches he
was doing in Central Park, and Delia packed him off breakfasted,
coddled, praised, and kissed at seven o'clock. Art is an engaging
mistress. It was most times seven o'clock when he returned in the
evening.
At the end of the week Delia, sweetly proud but languid, tri
umphantly tossed three five-dollar bills on the 8 by 10 (inches)
centre table of the 8 by 10 (feet) flat parlour.
'Sometimes,' she said, a little wearily, 'Clementina tries me. I'm
afraid she doesn't practise enough, and I have to tell her the same
things so often. And then she always dresses entirely in white, and
that does get monotonous. But General Pinkney is the dearest old
man! I wish you could know him, Joe. He comes in sometimes
 
 
24 O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S
when I am with Clementina at the piano - he is a widower, you
know - and stands there pulling his white goatee. "And how are
the semiquavers and the demi-semiquavers progressing?" he
always asks.
'I wish you could see the wainscoting in that drawing-room,
Joe! And those Astrakhan rug portières. And Clementina has such a
funny little cough. I hope she is stronger than she looks. Oh, I
really am getting attached to her, she is so gentle and high bred.
General Pinkney's brother was once Minister to Bolivia.'
And then Joe, with the air of a Monte Cristo, drew forth a ten, a
five, a two and a one - all legal tender notes - and laid them beside
Delia's earnings.
'Sold that water-colour of the obelisk to a man from Peoria,' he
announced overwhelmingly.
'Don't joke with me,' said Delia - 'not from Peoria!'
'All the way. I wish you could see him, Dele. Fat man with a
woollen muffler and a quill toothpick. He saw the sketch in
Tinkle's window and thought it was a windmill at first. He was
game, though, and bought it anyhow. He ordered another - an oil
sketch of the Lackawanna freight depot - to take back with him.
Music lessons! Oh, I guess Art is still in it.'
'I'm so glad you've kept on,' said Delia heartily. 'You're bound
to win, dear. Thirty-three dollars! W e never had so much to spend
before. We'll have oysters to-night.'
'And filet mignon with champignons,' said Joe. 'Where is the
olive fork?'
On the next Saturday evening Joe reached home first. He
spread his $18 on the parlour table and washed what seemed to be
a great deal of dark paint from his hands.
Half an hour later Delia arrived, her right hand tied up in a
shapeless bundle of wraps and bandages.
'How is this?' asked Joe after the usual greetings.
Delia laughed, but not very joyously.
'Clementina,' she explained, 'insisted upon a Welsh rabbit after
her lesson. She is such a queer girl. Welsh rabbits at five in the
afternoon. The General was there. You should have seen him run
for the chafing dish, Joe, just as if there wasn't a servant in the
house. I know Clementina isn't in good health; she is so nervous.
In serving the rabbit she spilled a great lot of it, boiling hot, over
my hand and wrist. It hurt awfully, Joe. And the dear girl was so
sorry! But General Pinkney! - Joe, that old man nearly went dis-
tracted. He rushed downstairs and sent somebody - they said the
 
 
O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S 25
furnace man or somebody in the basement - out to a drug store
for some oil and things to bind it up with. It doesn't hurt so much
now.'
'What's this?' asked Joe, taking the hand tenderly and pulling at
some white strands beneath the bandages.
'It's something soft,' said Delia, 'that had oil on it. Oh, Joe, did
you sell another sketch?' She had seen the money on the table.
'Did I?' said Joe. 'Just ask the man from Peoria. He got his
depot to-day, and he isn't sure but he thinks he wants another
parkscape and a view on the Hudson. What time this afternoon
did you burn your hand, Dele?'
'Five o'clock, I think,' said Dele plaintively. 'The iron - I mean
the rabbit came off the fire about that time. You ought to have
seen General Pinkney, Joe, when - '
'Sit down here a moment, Dele,' said Joe. He drew her to the
couch, sat down beside her and put his arm across her shoulders.
'What have you been doing for the last two weeks, Dele?' he
asked.
She braved it for a moment or two with an eye full of love and
stubbornness, and murmured a phrase or two vaguely of General
Pinkney; but at length down went her head and out came the truth
and tears.
'I couldn't get any pupils,' she confessed. 'And I couldn't bear to
have you give up your lessons; and I got a place ironing shirts in
that big Twenty-fourth Street laundry. And I think I did very well
to make up both General Pinkney and Clementina, don't you,
Joe? And when a girl in the laundry set down a hot iron on my
hand this afternoon I was all the way home making up that story
about the Welsh rabbit. You're not angry are you, Joe? And if I
hadn't got the work you mightn't have sold your sketches to that
man from Peoria.'
'He wasn't from Peoria,' said Joe slowly.
'Well, it doesn't matter where he was from. How clever you are,
Joe - and - kiss me, Joe - and what made you ever suspect that I
wasn't giving music lessons to Clementina?'
'I didn't,' said Joe, 'until to-night. And I wouldn't have then,
only I sent up this cotton waste and oil from the engine-room this
afternoon for a girl upstairs who had her hand burned with a
smoothing-iron. I've been firing the engine in that laundry for the
last two weeks.'
'And then you didn't - '
'My purchaser from Peoria,' said Joe, 'and General Pinkney are
 
 
26 O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S
both creations of the same art - but you wouldn't call it either
painting or music.
And then they both laughed, and Joe began:
'When one loves one's Art no service seems - '
But Delia stopped him with her hand on his lips. 'No,' she said -
'just "When one loves.

beetween rounds

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۴۲ ۸ بازديد
T H E MAY MOON SHONE BRIGHT upon the private boarding-house
of Mrs. Murphy. By reference to the almanac a large amount of
territory will be discovered upon which its rays also fell. Spring
was in its heyday, with hay fever soon to follow. The parks were
green with new leaves and buyers for the Western and Southern
trade. Flowers and summer-resort agents were blowing; the air
and answers to Lawson were growing milder; hand-organs, foun
tains and pinochle were playing everywhere.
The windows of Mrs. Murphy's boarding-house were open. A
group of boarders were seated on the high stoop upon round, flat
mats like German pancakes.
In one of the second-floor front windows Mrs. McCaskey
 
 
O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S 11
awaited her husband. Supper was cooling on the table. Its heat
went into Mrs. McCaskey.
At nine Mr. McCaskey came. He carried his coat on his arm and
his pipe in his teeth; and he apologized for disturbing the boarders
on the steps as he selected spots of stone between them on which
to set his size 9, width Ds.
As he opened the door of his room he received a surprise.
Instead of the usual stove-lid or potato-masher for him to dodge,
came only words.
Mr. McCaskey reckoned that the benign May moon had soft
ened the breast of his spouse.
'I heard ye,' came the oral substitutes for kitchenware. 'Ye can
apollygize to riff-raff of the streets for settin' yer unhandy feet on
the tails of their frocks, but ye'd walk on the neck of yer wife the
length of a clothes-line without so much as a "Kiss me fut," and
I'm sure, it's that long from rubberin' out the windy for ye and the
victuals cold such as there's money to buy after drinkin' up yer
wages at Gallegher's every Saturday evenin', and the gas man here
twice to-day for his.'
'Woman!' said Mr. McCaskey, dashing his coat and hat upon a
chair, 'the noise of ye is an insult to me appetite. When ye run
down politeness ye take the mortar from between the bricks of the
foundations of society. 'Tis no more than exercisin' the acrimony
of a gentleman when ye ask the dissent of ladies blockin' the way
for steppin' between them. Will ye bring the pig's face of ye out of
the windy and see to the food?'
Mrs. McCaskey arose heavily and went to the stove. There was
something in her manner that warned Mr. McCaskey. When the
corners of her mouth went down suddenly like a barometer it usually
foretold a fall of crockery and tinware.
'Pig's face, is it?' said Mrs. McCaskey, and hurled a stewpan full
of bacon and turnips at her lord.
Mr. McCaskey was no novice at repartee. He knew what should
follow the entree. On the table was a roast sirloin of pork, gar
nished with shamrocks. He retorted with this, and drew the
appropriate return of a bread pudding in an earthen dish. A hunk
of Swiss cheese accurately thrown by her husband struck Mrs.
McCaskey below one eye. When she replied with a well-aimed
coffee-pot full of a hot, black, semi-fragrant liquid the battle,
according to courses, should have ended.
But Mr. McCaskey was no 50 cent table d'hôter. Let cheap
Bohemians consider coffee the end, if they would. Let them make
 
 
12 O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S
that faux pas. He was foxier still. Finger-bowls were not beyond
the compass of his experience. They were not to be had in the
Pension Murphy; but their equivalent was at hand. Triumphantly
he sent the granite-ware wash-basin at the head of his matrimo
nial adversary. Mrs. McCaskey dodged in time. She reached for a
flat-iron, with which, as a sort of cordial, she hoped to bring the
gastronomical duel to a close. But a loud, wailing scream down
stairs caused both her and Mr. McCaskey to pause in a sort of
involuntary armistice.
On the sidewalk at the corner of the house Policeman Cleary
was standing with one ear upturned, listening to the crash of
household utensils.
' ' T i s Jawn McCaskey and his missus at it again,' meditated the
policeman. 'I wonder shall I go up and stop the row. I will not.
Married folks they are; and few pleasures they have. 'Twill not last
long. Sure, they'll have to borrow more dishes to keep it up with.'
And just then came the loud scream below-stairs, betokening
fear or dire extremity. ' 'Tis probably the cat,' said Policeman
Cleary, and walked hastily in the other direction.
The boarders on the steps were fluttered. Mr. Toomey, an
insurance solicitor by birth and an investigator by profession,
went inside to analyse the scream. He returned with the news that
Mrs. Murphy's little boy Mike was lost. Following the messenger,
out bounced Mrs. Murphy - two hundred pounds in tears and
hysterics, clutching the air and howling to the sky for the loss of
thirty pounds of freckles and mischief. Bathos, truly; but Mr.
Toomey sat down at the side of Miss Purdy, milliner, and their
hands came together in sympathy. The two old maids, Misses
Walsh, who complained every day about the noise in the halls,
inquired immediately if anybody had looked behind the clock.
Major Grigg, who sat by his fat wife on the top step, arose and
buttoned his coat. 'The little one lost?' he exclaimed. 'I will scour
the city.' His wife never allowed him out after dark. But now she
said: 'Go, Ludovic!' in a baritone voice. 'Whoever can look upon
that mother's grief without springing to her relief has a heart of
stone.' 'Give me some thirty or - sixty cents, my love,' said the
Major. 'Lost children sometimes stray far. I may need car-fares.'
Old man Denny, hall-room, fourth floor back, who sat on the
lowest step, trying to read a paper by the street lamp, turned over
a page to follow up the article about the carpenters' strike. Mrs.
Murphy shrieked to the moon: 'Oh, ar-r-Mike, f'r Gawd's sake,
where is me little bit av a boy?'
 
 
O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S 13
'When'd ye see him last?' asked old man Denny, with one eye
on the report of the Building Trades League.
'Oh,' wailed Mrs. Murphy,.' 'twas yisterday, or maybe four
hours ago! I dunno. But it's lost he is, me little boy Mike. He was
playin' on the sidewalk only this mornin' - or was it Wednesday?
I'm that busy with work 'tis hard to keep up with dates. But I've
looked the house over from top to cellar, and it's gone he is. Oh,
for the love av Hiven - '
Silent, grim, colossal, the big city has ever stood against its
revilers. They call it hard as iron; they say that no pulse of pity
beats in its bosom; they compare its streets with lonely forests and
deserts of lava. But beneath the hard crust of the lobster is found a
delectable and luscious food. Perhaps a different simile would have
been wiser. Still, nobody should take offence. W e would call no
one a lobster without good and sufficient claws.
No calamity so touches the common heart of humanity as does
the straying of a little child. Their feet are so uncertain and feeble;
the ways are so steep and strange.
Major Griggs hurried down to the corner, and up the avenue
into Billy's place. 'Gimme a rye-high,' he said to the servitor.
'Haven't seen a bow-legged, dirty-faced little devil of a six-year-
old lost kid around here anywhere, have you?'
Mr. Toomey retained Miss Purdy's hand on the steps. 'Think of
that dear little babe,' said Miss Purdy, 'lost from his mother's side
- perhaps already fallen beneath the iron hoofs of galloping steeds
- oh, isn't it dreadful?'
'Ain't that right?' agreed Mr. Toomey, squeezing her hand. 'Say
I start out and help look for um!'
'Perhaps,' said Miss Purdy, 'you should. But oh, Mr. Toomey,
you are so dashing - so reckless - suppose in your enthusiasm
some accident should befall you, then what - '
Old man Denny read on about the arbitration agreement, with
one finger on the lines.
In the second floor front Mr. and Mrs. McCaskey came to the
window to recover their second wind. Mr. McCaskey was scoop
ing turnips out of his vest with a crooked forefinger, and his lady
was wiping an eye that the salt of the roast pork had not benefited.
They heard the outcry below, and thrust their heads out of the
window.
' 'Tis little Mike is lost,' said Mrs. McCaskey in a hushed voice,
'the beautiful, little, trouble-making angel of a gossoon!'
'The bit of a boy mislaid?' said Mr. McCaskey leaning out of
 
 
14 O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S
the window. 'Why, now, that's bad enough, entirely. The childer,
they be different. If 'twas a woman I'd be willin', for they leave
peace behind 'em when they go.'
Disregarding the thrust, Mrs. McCaskey caught her husband's
arm.
'Jawn,' she said sentimentally, 'Missis Murphy's little bye is lost.
'Tis a great city for losing little boys. Six years old he was. Jawn,
'tis the same age our little bye would have been if we had had one
six years ago.'
'We never did,' said Mr. McCaskey, lingering with the fact.
'But if we had, Jawn, think what sorrow would be in our hearts
this night, with our little Phelan run away and stolen in the city
nowheres at all.'
'Ye talk foolishness,' said Mr. McCaskey. ' 'Tis Pat he would be
named, after me old father in Cantrim.'
'Ye lie!' said Mrs. McCaskey, without anger. 'Me brother was
worth tin dozen bog-trotting McCaskeys. After him would the bye
be named.' She leaned over the window-sill and looked down at
the hurrying and bustle below.
'Jawn,' said Mrs. McCaskey softly, 'I'm sorry I was hasty wid
ye.'
' 'Twas hasty puddin', as ye say,' said her husband, 'and hurry-
up turnips and get-a-move-on-ye coffee. 'Twas what ye could call
a quick lunch, all right, and tell no lie.'
Mrs. McCaskey slipped her arm inside her husband's and took
his rough hand in hers.
'Listen at the cryin' of poor Mrs. Murphy,' she said. ' 'Tis an
awful thing for a bit of a bye to be lost in this great big city. If
'twas our little Phelan, Jawn, I'd be breakin' me heart.'
Awkwardly Mr. McCaskey withdrew his hand. But he laid it
around the nearing shoulders of his wife.
' 'Tis foolishness, of course,' said he, roughly, 'but I'd be cut up
some meself, if our little - Pat was kidnapped or anything. But
there never was any childer for us. Sometimes I've been ugly and
hard with ye, Judy. Forget it.'
They leaned together, and looked down at the heart-drama
being acted below.
Long they sat thus. People surged along the sidewalk, crowding,
questioning, filling the air with rumours and inconsequent sur
mises. Mrs. Murphy ploughed back and forth in their midst, like a
soft mountain down which plunged an audible cataract of tears.
Couriers came and went.
 
 
O H E N R Y - 100 S E L E C T E D S T O R I E S 15
Loud voices and a renewed uproar were raised in front of the
boarding-house.
'What's up now, Judy?' asked Mr. McCaskey.
' 'Tis Missis Murphy's voice,' said Mrs. McCaskey, harking.
'She says she's after finding little Mike asleep behind the roll of
old linoleum under the bed in her room.'
Mr. McCaskey laughed loudly.
'That's yer Phelan,' he shouted sardonically 'Divil a bit would a
Pat have done that trick if the bye we never had is strayed and
stole, by the powers, call him Phelan, and see him hide out under
the bed like a mangy pup.'
Mrs. McCaskey arose heavily, and went toward the dish closet,
with the corners of her mouth drawn down.
Policeman Cleary came back around the corner as the crowd
dispersed. Surprised, he upturned an ear toward the McCaskey
apartment where the crash of irons and chinaware and the ring of
hurled kitchen utensils seemed as loud as before. Policeman
Cleary took out his timepiece.
'By the deported snakes!' he exclaimed, 'Jawn McCaskey and his
lady have been fightin' for an hour and a quarter by the watch.
The missis could give him forty pounds weight. Strength to his
arm.'
Policeman Cleary strolled back around the corner.
Old man Denny folded his paper and hurried up the steps just
as Mrs. Murphy was about to lock the door for the nigh

poor africa

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۳۰ ۶ بازديد
Most African countries gained independence in the early 1960s. At that time, their average
income levels were higher than in many Asian countries and on par with some Latin
American countries. Since then, however, Sub-Saharan Africa has become associated with
economic stagnation and persistent poverty. Especially during the so-called ‘lost decades’ of
the 1970s to 1990s poverty rates in Africa rose while other developing regions took large
strides in poverty eradication. Today, many of the poorest countries in the world are found on
the African continent, although there is a significant spread in income levels across countries.
Average regional poverty expressed as the share of the population living in poverty is
declining since the 2000s, but at a slower pace than has been observed in many Asian
countries. Moreover, due to rapid population growth, the total number of Africans living in
poverty has grown and may well continue to rise for decades to come.
Rising poverty levels stand in sharp contrast to the large natural resource wealth and
overwhelming young labour force of many African countries. The rising global and local
demand for agricultural commodities, and mining and forestry resources has not created a
solid basis for sustained poverty reduction. Despite improving pre-conditions for sustained
economic growth and a durable improvement in living standards, the revenues of Africa’s
natural wealth are too often unequally distributed and/or invested in activities that create little
extra jobs for growing numbers of un- and underemployed people. In some countries, such as
Botswana, the governance of national wealth works relatively well and such examples
provide optimism and hope for the future, but in other countries corruption, elite capture and
violent conflicts hamper alleviation of mass poverty.
This chapter focuses on economic forms of poverty, which can be defined in terms of
material living standards. We will discuss two different dimensions of poverty, at the
The History of African Development
www.aehnetwork.org/textbook/
 
 
2
national and at the individual level. We will explain how both dimensions are measured and
compared internationally. We will present estimates of absolute poverty and poverty rates
and explore the trends in Africa in a global comparative perspective. While this may sound
straightforward, it is important to note that human wellbeing entails much more than material
conditions. For example, aggregated measures of economic poverty exclude access to health
care and education; environmental sustainability and resilience to climate change;
empowerment and agency; political freedom and acceptance of independent *******ual
orientation, gender, and ethnicity. These aspects remain beyond the scope of this chapter.
Further, this chapter focuses on poverty in Africa since independence. We begin in the 1960s,
a decade that marks African independence and the beginning of annual poverty data provided
by the World Bank. We explore the data up to 2016, which is the most recent year for which
the World Bank offers data on poverty levels.
The chapter is structured as follows. It begins with a discussion on how poverty can be
defined and measured. We then proceed to present global and African poverty trends, which
also entails a discussion of rural versus urban poverty. This is followed by a discussion of
both African and international poverty-mitigating strategies. Finally, we dare to look ahead to
future opportunities and challenges affecting African poverty.
2. Defining and measuring national and individual poverty
Before we can study levels and trends in national and individual poverty we need to
understand how poverty is commonly defined and measured. The definitions we adopt in this
chapter refer to economic poverty, which is usually measured in terms of material living
standards. The most common measures are GDP per capita and the number or share of people
living under the poverty line. Both measures are used by international organisations such as
the United Nations and the World Bank. The advantage of using a widely accepted definition
and measurement standard for all countries in the world is that it facilitates international and
inter-temporal comparisons. The disadvantage is that these measures are rather rough and
miss much of the regional, national and local context that matters for living standards at
communal or personal levels. Moreover, these measures also contain no information on how
the poor perceive their living conditions.
 
 
3
What does it mean when we say that a country is “poor”? National poverty is for all intents
and purposes the same as the lack of economic growth. A country’s wealth is measured in
terms of GDP (Gross Domestic Product), which is the total value added to all goods and
services produced in a national economy per year. Because the size of any country’s
economy is related to the number of inhabitants, GDP is commonly divided by total
population to obtain GDP per capita. This measure allows us to compare income levels
across countries and to compute income growth over time. The World Bank classifies
economies into four income groups: lower income (up to US$ 1,005), lower-middle income
(US$ 1,006 - 3,955), upper-middle income (US$ 3,956 - 12,235), and higher income (US$
12,236 and above) (these are official standards for Gross National Income in 2018).
GDP growth is measured as the increase in total value added from one year to the next. GDP
per capita growth is measured as GDP growth divided by population growth. So, for nations
to become richer it is important that growth of GDP outpaces population growth. Yet, growth
in GDP per capita doesn’t necessarily mean a reduction of poverty, defined as the share of
people living at or below the poverty line, because this crucially depends on how national
income and the growth of GDP is distributed across the population. Hence, it is possible to
have inclusive or pro-poor growth, that benefits the society at large, including the poor. But
there are also examples of exclusive growth, which only makes the rich richer.
In general, countries with high GDP per capita levels find it difficult to grow fast. Their
income levels can rise especially because of a steady growth in GDP per capita over time,
without too many years of negative growth. Poor nations, on the contrary, often record higher
rates of GDP growth, which is called catch-up growth, but whether they close the gap with
richer nations crucially depends on the stability and long-term sustainability of their growth
path. Especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, many countries have recorded high rates of GDP
growth in the past 20 years, but also years with considerable set-backs. For instance,
Botswana in the 1970s and Rwanda in the 2000s had spectacular annual growth rates of 11
and 8 percent respectively, but to consolidate these gains and reduce poverty at a structural
level, such episodes of growth have to be continued for many decades.
To compare GDP per capita across countries we need to express income levels in a single
common currency, usually US Dollars (US$). There are two ways to do this. The first is to
 
 
4
use exchange rates between the local currency and US$. This has the disadvantage that sharp
fluctuations in exchange rates affect the international comparison of income beyond ‘real’
changes in comparative economic performance. Therefore, the second approach is considered
to be more accurate, since it focusses on changes in domestic prices levels rather than the
value of the national currency. To convert GDP into US$ economists use so-called
Purchasing Power Parities (PPPs). A PPP is constructed by composing a basket of goods and
services and comparing the price levels of this basket across countries. The PPPs thus
obtained can be almost equal to the official exchange rate, but there are also many cases
where the PPPs (relative domestic price level) are considerably lower than the official
exchange rate. In this case using the exchange rate would make the country appear poorer,
and would make the purchasing power of its population appear lower than it really is.
Another way of understanding the difference is that PPPs allow for an estimation of what the
exchange rate between two currencies would have to be, in order to perfectly reflect relative
prices levels in countries.
Individual poverty levels are clearly affected by GDP per capita levels, but also depend on
how income is distributed among national populations. In 2008, the World Bank set a new
standard by defining the extreme poor as people who, on average, live on less than US$ 1.25
per day. Again, PPPs are being used to make this poverty line comparable across countries.
This line changes over time as prices increase, which they tend to do in the long-run. Hence,
in 2015, the World Bank updated its calculation of the cost of a subsistence consumption
basket and increased the global poverty line to US$ 1.90. This poverty line is commonly used
to estimate the number of people living in extreme poverty. Of course, this doesn’t mean that
people who can spend a little bit more than US$ 1.90 per day have escaped from poverty. In
fact, billions of people today are living just above that poverty line, as the numbers of
extreme poor are declining. This trend is also visible in Africa.
But even for those who live on US$ 1.90 the context of poverty matters a lot. Poverty is not a
static condition. Just as individuals can move out of poverty, they can fall back into poverty
again. Many people today who are no longer considered living in poverty have only managed
to improve their incomes on the margin and they are extremely vulnerable to any change in
their incomes. In an effort to address these shortcomings, the United Nations introduced a
Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), which measures not only income, but also health,
 
 
5
education and some other components of living standards since 2010. Another important
dimension of poverty is how people perceive poverty in relation to the communities and
societies in which they live. Relative poverty refers to people’s living standards as measured
against the average living standards of a particular society. It makes an enormous difference
to be poor in a rich country, or to be poor in a poor country. To be poor in a poor country may
ingrain the poor with a pervasive sense of injustice and be mentally more difficult to cope
with. On the other hand, being poor in a rich country may have the positive side that
opportunities to escape from poverty are larger because social mobility is higher.
3. Poverty trends in Africa
In this section we map and compare African poverty trends using (1) GDP per capita; (2)
levels and shares of populations living in poverty; and (3) rural versus urban poverty. It offers
a comparison between Sub-Saharan Africa and other world regions, and a presentation of a
number of country cases showing the diversity within the region.
3.1 National poverty in a global perspective
Figure 1 presents GDP per capita trends by world region. The OECD countries (Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development), the richest countries situated in Europe and
North America, have been placed on the right-hand axis – OECD (black dotted line; axis 0-
US$ 40,000) and the developing regions on the left-hand axis (US$ 0-12,000). The graph
shows that during the past half century, there has been a sharp divergence in GDP per capita
between Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia and other regions such as Latin America, East
Asia and the OECD countries. Until 1980, GDP per capita in all regions, except the OECD
countries, was below US$ 2,000. However, since the 1980s all world regions except Sub-
Saharan Africa and South Asia, have surpassed the US$ 2,000 benchmark. Latin America and
East and Pacific Asia have grown beyond US$ 8,000.
 
 
6
Figure 1: GDP per capita in US-Dollars (log scale) regional trends, 1960-2015
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI).
The comparison between regions shows how Sub-Saharan Africa has developed in a global
perspective. In figure 2 we explore the variation within Sub-Saharan Africa. We selected five
countries – Morocco, Mozambique, Nigeria, Tanzania and Zimbabwe – which offer a good
impression of the diversity in growth trajectories. Morocco’s economy took off in the mid-
1980s and has since developed comparatively well. Nigeria follows – after the significant
commodity boom with increasing oil prices in the early 2000s the oil-dependent economy has
experienced significant growth. However, there is a large risk this growth spurt will turn into
a bust if world market prices for oil continue to fall or stabilize at the low levels they have
attained since 2015 - the last year in this graph. The economy of Zimbabwe grew in the 1970s
and 1980s, but has experienced decline and stagnation as a result of the economic and
political turmoil in the 1990s and 2000s. Zimbabwe recovered after 2008, but it is not clear to
which extent the growth rates have been manipulated by the regime – as it is well known that
there are reliability issues with many African income statistics. Mozambique has been
entrenched in a long civil war up to the 1990s and has recovered slightly in the years of peace
since 2000, but the growth of GDP has been partly erased by rapid population growth. In
Tanzania population growth remained high as well, but GDP growth has been more
impressive than in Mozambique, so that there was a notable divergence in per capita growth
in these neighbouring countries in the past decade (2005-2015).
 
 
7
Figure 2: GDP per capita trends in 5 African countries, 1960-2015
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI).
Figure 3: The 15 poorest African countries in 2016
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI).
 
 
8
While the commodity boom since the mid-1990s has led to considerable economic growth in
many African countries, it has not yet been enough to reduce the number of poor countries
significantly. Figure 3 shows the poorest 15 African economies in the year 2016. At the
bottom we find Burundi and the Central African Republic, Malawi, and Niger with a GDP
per capita lower than US$ 400.
3.2 Individual poverty in a global perspective
Figure 4 presents the total number of people living in poverty by world region. It reveals that
global poverty levels have been falling at impressive rates since the early 1990s. Between
1987 and 2013, the number of extreme poor more than halved from 1.7 billion to 766 million
people. By 2013, the most recent years for which reliable data exist, 11 percent of the world’s
population was living in poverty compared to 35 percent in 1987. During the past quarter of a
century, poverty has fallen in particular in Asia and Latin America. East Asia (bottom) and
South Asia (second from top) have been largely responsible for this dramatic decline. China
alone is responsible for two-thirds of the overall drop in poverty between 1987 and 2013.
India, Indonesia and Vietnam are also seeing poverty gradually disappear. Yet, the total
number of Africans living in poverty (red top area) has increased from 250 million in 1987 to
390 in 2013. Half of the world’s population living in poverty are now thought to be African.
Figure 4: Total population living in poverty by world region, 1987-2013
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators (WDI).
 
 
9
While Figure 4 displayed absolute poverty levels, Figure 5 compares the percentage share of
the African population living on or less than US$ 1.90 (thick red line), i.e. the poverty rate,
with other world regions. It shows that globally, the share of populations living in poverty has
been in decline since the 1980s. Most impressive has been the decline in East Asia and
Pacific and South Asia, but also Latin America more than halved its poverty rate. Figure 5
also shows that Africa’s poverty rate has fallen from 51 percent in 1981 to 41 percent in
2013. Thus, while absolute poverty in Sub-Saharan Africa remains on the rise, relative
poverty levels have been declining. This paradoxical situation can be explained by the fact
that relative poverty rates are not declining fast enough to outweigh Africa’s rapid population
growth (by about 2.5 percent a year, compared with 1 percent for Asia). Hence, the number
of Africans living in poverty today (2018) is higher than it was in the 1990s. No doubt, while
the reduction in relative poverty can be seen as a positive trend in line with the renewed
growth experience of many African economies after 1995, poverty remains a major
development challenge for the region for decades to come

how sanction work

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۲۹ ۹ بازديد
 
 
 
On target? EU sanctions as security policy tools19
in its ability to engage in proscribed activities. Sanctions can raise the costs of the
target’s activities or force it into costly changes with regard to strategy and the pro-
curement of supplies necessary to its activities or economic survival.
At the same time, sanctions may be intended to send a signal to a target or some
other relevant constituency. The signalling aspect of sanctions is under-appreciated
in the scholarly and policy literature on sanctions. Dismissing sanctions as ‘merely
symbolic’ gestures fails to appreciate their role in the articulation and reinforcement
of global norms. Sanctions impose costs on both the target and the sender, and back-
ing the rhetorical conviction of diplomatic condemnations with costs imposed on
one’s own constituents is a powerful way to communicate norms. Sanctions also send
signals to multiple constituencies, not only the target, but also other actors tempted
to pursue similar policies. They can even be used as signals to prevent allies from es-
calating a conflict and resorting to the use of military force, as they were in the case of
recent EU sanctions against Iran.
These different goals are inter-related in complex ways. An asset freeze intended to
coerce an individual to stop financing acts of terrorism can simultaneously be uti-
lised to constrain a group from being able to commit those acts. Constraining a rebel
group’s access to resources to purchase arms can tip the balance on the battlefield and
influence their calculations about a negotiated settlement of a conflict. If potentially
imitating states see the stigmatising effects of signalling sanctions on their peers, they
may be persuaded into compliance with burdensome treaty obligations.
Given that the goals of sanctions are multiple, their effectiveness in achieving those
goals should be evaluated in analytically separate terms. If a sanction fails to coerce
a change in the behaviour of the target, it is not necessarily a failure in policy. Sanc-
tions might succeed in constraining a target, in buying time for a negotiated settle-
ment, or in signalling resolve about a norm that has important implications for the
policy behaviour of other parties.
By differentiating the effectiveness of sanctions according to their purpose, the re-
search of the TSC has shown that sanctions intended to constrain or to signal tar-
gets are nearly three times as effective (27% of the time) as sanctions intended to
coerce a change in behaviour (only 10% of the time).
Seven conditions for sanctions success
1. Pre-sanctions trade volumes need to be important for economic sanctions to bite
Sanctions on an entire economy or a sector of an economy can only coerce change
or constrain targets when pre-sanction trade between the sanction-imposer and the
 
 
20ISSReportNo.25
sanction target is important for the target. This means (a) that the lower the level of
pre-sanction trade, the higher the probability of failure, and (b) that boycotts and
embargoes of highly valued products that cannot be replaced, re-sourced or (re)sold
have more impact. This is common sense, but all too often students of sanctions have
overlooked this basic requirement. They either do not consider trade at all, do not
measure trade linkages before the sanction is imposed or threatened, or consider only
the development of bilateral trade (not taking potential trade diversion into account).
Figure 1 shows how the expected result of a sanction is linked to the amount of
bilateral trade between sender and target as a percentage of the target’s GDP (meas-
ured in the year before the sanction is imposed). Clearly when trade linkage is low,
failures to coerce a change in behaviour exceed successes by far. Once proportional
trade linkage is above 10%, the rate of success is almost 50%, a strong improvement
of the 33% success rate observed for all sanctions.
Figure 1: Trade linkages and sanctions success
Sources for data: calculations based on Peter A. G. van Bergeijk, Economic Diplomacy and the Geography of International
Trade (Edward Elgar, 2009). The primary data set for the outcome of sanctions is the Peterson Institute sanction
database.
 
 
On target? EU sanctions as security policy tools21
2. Sanctions tend to succeed most in the initial years of implementation
Adjustment by the target reduces the potential impact of economic sanctions. Here
two mechanisms operate.
Firstly, a sanction implies that the pre-sanction pattern of international specialisa-
tion is no longer optimal and needs to be changed. This process of reallocation of
labour and capital towards other sectors (e.g. from the export sector to the import
sector) requires time. The longer the duration of the sanctions, the better the sanc-
tion target can adjust to the new situation.
Secondly, during the adjustment process economic performance will improve. From
a political economy perspective it is important that this creates the perception that
the worst is over. Indeed, while economic activity will remain below pre-sanction
levels, growth rates may be positive, fuelling the expectation that the sanctions can
be overcome.
Given that targeted countries tend to adjust their economies under sanctions, the
potential sanction damage is largest before adjustment can undercut the (potential)
costs of sanctions.
Figure 2 illustrates the importance of duration. About 40% of the successes in
changing behaviour occur in the first year of a sanction regime; a good 60% of the
failure cases are characterised by duration in excess of three years.
Figure 2: Duration and sanction success/failure
Source: Sajjad Faraji Dizaji and Peter A. G. van Bergeijk, ‘Potential early phase success and ultimate failure of eco-
nomic sanctions: A VAR approach with an application to Iran’, Journal of Peace Research, vol. 50, no. 6, 2013, pp. 721-36.
 
 
22ISSReportNo.25
3. The psychological factor: expectations, credibility and strategic interaction play a major role
The actual application of sanctions is uncertain, and the very threat of sanctions
can play a major role in changing target behaviour. A sanction does not only impose
costs on the target, but also on the country that imposes the sanctions. After all,
both countries have to forego the benefits of international trade. Therefore the ac-
tions and reactions of the actors involved need to be analysed comprehensively, and
the analyst needs to deal with expectations.
This implies, first of all, that we need to acknowledge that the expected outcome ex
ante may be different from the observed outcome ex post (for example, the target may
think it unlikely that the sanction threat will actually be applied).
Sanctions ‘bite’ most when they are unanticipated
Sanctions that are expected by the target give rise to activities that reduce their im-
pact, such as stockpiling, setting up import substitution, refocusing exports and
imports on non-traditional markets and reducing dependency on foreign capital
and trade in general. Unexpectedness can be achieved by contingency planning,
short deliberations, quick implementation, the engagement of unexpected (non-
traditional) sanction imposers, and the use of instruments (new types of sanctions
or restrictive measures) that have not been used before.
The threat of sanctions is more effective than the actual imposition of sanctions
Strategic interaction is an important element. Both target and sender have to con-
sider the implications of their behaviour for their reputation. A history of strong
sanctions may enhance the sender’s reputation and make its threats more credible
(it may, however, also provide incentives to future sanction targets to avoid having
too close trading links with such a sender). Giving in to sanctions may reveal weak-
ness on the part of the target, and this may spill over to and have an adverse effect
on other international negotiations.
The actual imposition of sanctions represents a failed strategy of bluffing on both
sides. The target underestimates the resolve of the sender, while the sender is unable
to persuade the target to weigh accurately the costs and benefits of changing behav-
iour. This is linked to the above insight about the short-term nature of sanctions
effectiveness when it comes to efforts to coerce a change in behaviour. For example,
the threat of international sanctions was reportedly an important factor in former
Yemen President Saleh’s decision to step down from power in 2012, just as it played
into the decision of President Kiir to sign the South Sudan peace agreement in 2015.
The credibility of sanction threats can be enhanced by a track record of effective
sanctions implementation. A threat of sanctions that is not followed up by actual
 
 
On target? EU sanctions as security policy tools23
measures that bite undermines the credibility of the use of sanctions in future cases.
This reputational consequence implies that the use of sanctions should be restrict-
ed to cases where the sanctions can be imposed, monitored and implemented. Like-
wise, sanctions that cannot be sustained, or for which the coalition imposing the
sanctions is unstable, should be avoided.
Sanctions are less effective the higher the risk tolerance of targets
We also need to consider the risk tolerance of the sanction target leadership. Deci-
sion-makers are not risk neutral: sometimes the target is risk averse and sometimes
the target has a risk preference and is willing to take the gamble even if the expected
outcome is negative.
Sanctions against targets whose leadership has a short horizon of survival are less
likely to succeed in changing target behaviour. A short time horizon is associated
with more risky behaviour. Government officials who may have to fear for their lives
if they comply with sanctions will show risk-taking behaviour in the sense that they
may gamble that the sanctions will not be implemented (effectively). Targeted entities
that are participating in a civil war may be thought to act irrationally if they do not
give in under extreme economic pressure, but if no viable alternative exists, sanctions
have a low probability of succeeding. Under these conditions, sanctions designed to
constrain the target may be more appropriate, such as the travel bans and asset freez-
es imposed on individuals deemed responsible for war crimes or seen as a potential
threat to the peace processes in Angola and Liberia in the 1990s and early 2000s.1
‘Failed’ sanctions can create a new baseline for engagement with the target
The presentation of costs and benefits matters. People have different assessments of
losses and benefits, even if they are relatively of equal magnitude. In cases where the
‘stick’ (the threat of sanction damage) does not prove effective in bringing about a
change in behaviour, the ‘carrot’ of incentives or positive inducements might suc-
ceed. One reason for sanction implementation may thus be to create a new baseline.
Lifting sanctions can then be framed in a positive way, as they have in the case of
Iran. The same happened with Libya in the 1990s, when the promise of a suspension
of sanctions triggered a diplomatic breakthrough.
Sanctions intended to send a signal to the target (or to others observing the sanc-
tions dynamic), often perform a stigmatising function. Most targets are not shamed
by sanctions (in the sense of naming and shaming), because they tend not to share
the norms being articulated by those sending the sanctions. They can, however, be
stigmatised or isolated among some relevant communities by being sanctioned.
Some of the individuals designated by the UN Security Council for their financing
1. See Biersteker et. al., SanctionsApp, Angola, episode 3 and Liberia, episode 4, for details. Available online at: http://
www.sanctionsapp.com.
 
 
24ISSReportNo.25
of terrorism, were not shamed by their listing (because they viewed their cause as
just), but they were shunned and stigmatised by their neighbours.
4. Sanctions are more likely to succeed if the target is more democratic (less authoritarian)
Sanctions are mediated by political systems. The effectiveness of international sanc-
tions is often determined by the nature of the political system or political economy
in place in the target state. Economic costs of sanctions cannot be assessed in a uni-
tary cost/benefit manner, but affect different communities and regions of the target
country in different ways.
The stronger the autocratic institutions vis-à-vis democratic institutions, the low-
er the opposition’s political effectiveness; sanctions will thus lead to stronger and
more effective opposition in democracies as compared to autocracies. Authoritar-
ian regimes also have the capacity to distribute the losses (and gains) from sanc-
tions in ways that penalise their opponents and reward their supporters, thus of-
ten strengthening authoritarian rule in the process, as observed in Iraq during the
1990s.
The target’s institutional framework is not black and white: some countries are
more authoritarian than other countries (as for example can be seen in the discus-
sions on Russia and Iran in chapters II and V respectively). Among authoritarian
states personalist regimes and monarchies are also more vulnerable to sanctions
than military regimes and single party states, because they have a track record of
relying more heavily on external financial support.
Sanctions may strengthen rather than weaken popular support for the regime
An external threat may generate a ‘rally around the flag’ effect, as has been observed
in Russia under sanctions (see chapter II). This is particularly the case when the tar-
get population approves of the behaviour that the sender is opposing and seeking to
change. Targets of sanctions in authoritarian regimes often mobilise popular sup-
port through their control of the media and their ability to depict the sanctions as
targeted not against the proscribed activities of the regime in power, but against the
entire nation. Religiously motivated behaviour is thus difficult to change. Military
activity to safeguard fellow nationals who are minorities in other countries can also
count on strong popular support, as in Russia. In these cases, sanctions often fail
to tip the balance.
Targets with a strong ideological motivation are almost impossible to coerce
Sanctions targets with a strong commitment to a political-economic ideology, to
religious extremism, or targets engaged in a struggle for survival and self-determi-
 
 
On target? EU sanctions as security policy tools25
nation are difficult to coerce with sanctions. A change in their behaviour might un-
dermine the rationale or basis on which they rely for political legitimation, survival
and support. As a result, they are willing and able to bear very high costs.
Groups engaged in carrying out acts of terrorism that are highly resistant to at-
tempts at coercion, such as the al-Qaeda terrorist network, are more appropriately
targeted with sanctions intended to constrain their activities rather than to force
a change in their behaviour. The same applies to most targeted sanctions against
non-state armed groups.
5. Strong multilateral political commitment makes sanctions more effective
Most sanctions regimes are the product not of unilateral decisions taken by a single
state, but of collective decision-making within a multilateral institutional frame-
work. As such, the dynamics of decision-making, implementation, monitoring, and
resolve are influenced by institutional factors.
The more multilateral the sanctions are, the fewer the options for sanctions evasion
or trade diversion by the target. Moreover, sanctions imposed by universal member
institutions like the United Nations have more international legitimacy than sanc-
tions imposed by a single state as an instrument of its foreign policy. Sanctions
imposed by regional organisations of which the target is a member also have greater
legitimacy than sanctions imposed by a regional organisation on third parties who
are not members of the regional institution.
Multilateral decision-making is not always based on a collective, unitary, consist-
ent or strategic logic. Rather, the text and content of many international sanctions
enacted by international organisations is the product of negotiation, bargaining,
separate bilateral deals, and side-payments. The texts of international sanctions res-
olutions often contain what diplomats refer to as ‘constructive ambiguity,’ which,
although useful for negotiation purposes, can render the terms subject to multiple,
and conflicting, interpretations. When sender ambiguity is visible to targets, targets
are more likely to wait out the sanctions or to develop counter-strategies to sow dis-
sent among sender states, as Libya did by mobilising OAU and Arab League opposi-
tion to the implementation of UN sanctions in the 1990s.
Political will is indicated by unanimity in sanctions resolutions, unambiguous texts,
devoting resources to sanctions implementation, active monitoring and enforcement
activities, and by a visible willingness by the senders to bear the costs of the measures.
 
 
26ISSReportNo.25
6. Narrowly defined goals & multiple policy instruments increase success rate of sanctions
Targets are more likely to comply with narrowly articulated goals – such as conven-
ing elections (DRC), turning over suspects (Libya in the 1990s), providing access to
a disputed territory (Russia) – that give them some room for manoeuvre than to
comply with multiple, vaguely defined, general goals (like improving the human
rights situation in the territory under their control).
The simultaneous application of other policy instruments, such as referrals to inter-
national legal tribunals, the application of other (regional) sanctions, and the intro-
duction of resource certification schemes, is also correlated with effective efforts to
coerce a target to change their behaviour. Applying sanctions to an entire country is
more effective than trying to limit them to a single territory or region of the coun-
try, due to the complexity of implementation of the measures by companies called
upon to restrict their transactions to a targeted region.
Some cases, such as post-conflict situations handled by the UN over the last two
decades, show that an even more fine-tuned strategy can effectively constrain tar-
geted actors. When the UN tries to stay neutral and avoids taking sides in a conflict,
as it often does when it first becomes involved, its sanctions (typically imposed on
‘all parties to a conflict’) tend to be ineffective.
After a peace settlement is negotiated, and the UN uses sanctions to constrain one
party (potential spoilers to the transitional arrangement), the sanctions have a
higher probability of effectiveness. Since virtually all international sanctions today
are targeted, focusing on key regime supporters and core family members is more
important than focusing directly on the political leadership of the regime. When
appropriate, cutting off access to sources of revenue (diamonds, timber, oil, diverted
charitable donations) is highly effective in constraining targets, as seen in the cases
of Liberia and Sierra Leone.
When only one type of targeted sanction is imposed in isolation, it is never effective
Based on the data accumulated by the TSC for UN sanctions, imposing a single type
of sanction in isolation (an arms embargo or a travel ban, for example), is never effec-
tive. On average, the simultaneous application of at least three (and closer to four)
different types of targeted sanctions is necessary for effective coercion, constraint or
signalling.
The most common combination of targeted sanctions imposed by the UN is an arms
embargo, travel ban, and an asset freeze. When commodity sanctions are added to the
mix, as they frequently are in the African conflict cases (Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone,
Somalia), the effectiveness of such measures tends to increase. Sanctions effectiveness
is also associated with simultaneous use of other policy instruments (threats of force,
 
 
On target? EU sanctions as security policy tools27
use of force, peacekeeping operations, legal referrals to international tribunals, covert
operations, and sanctions imposed by more than one organisation).
7. ‘Targeted’ sanctions can be as effective as comprehensive sanctions
Even though they invariably affect fewer people and have lower humanitarian con-
sequences, targeted sanctions, on average, do not appear to be significantly less ef-
fective than comprehensive sanctions. The aggregate figures of the effectiveness of
63 cases of UN targeted sanctions from the TSC suggest an average of 22%, as op-
posed to the Peterson Institute for International Economics data that suggest 33%
for all types of sanctions (comprehensive and targeted).
This has implications for the debate about how to strengthen sanctions. It suggests
that there are different ways to bolster sanctions – both a widening (to additional
segments of the population) or a deepening (applying secondary sanctions to evad-
ers). Public discourse tends to equate strengthening with widening, not deepening,
the measures, but secondary sanctions on evading parties tend to be under-utilised.
In the final analysis, sanctions can be effective, even when targets prove resistant
to changing their behaviour. There are situations in which sanctions communicate
a strong signal to other parties to avoid embarking on a proscribed policy activ-
ity. This applies particularly to the non-proliferation sanctions regime. While the
sanctions imposed on individual countries to cease their ‘weaponisation’ of nuclear
programmes have not always yielded success, other countries contemplating similar
programmes have been deterred from embarking on them. Thus, while the sanc-
tions may have failed at one level, they have succeeded at another.
Collateral damage as a result of broad-based sanctions is inevitable
Opponents of sanctions often point out secondary or unexpected outcomes of
sanction cases, drawing principally on the case of comprehensive sanctions against
Iraq in the 1990s. Collateral damage occurs in terms of health (including lower life
expectancy, increased child mortality and contagious diseases), education (reduced
spending and completion rates) suppression of minorities, and effects on the gen-
der division of labour. A deterioration of human rights situations has also been
documented, as have increases in corruption and a legacy of criminality once sanc-
tions are lifted (because networks originally established to evade sanctions can be
utilised to engage in criminal activities – as seen in the former Yugoslavia). While
these effects appear and often are unintended, they are not unexpected. Indeed a
large body of literature exists that clarifies that economic slow-downs, such as reces-
sions, leave their marks on these important determinants of individual well-being
– and comprehensive economic sanctions contribute to (and are mostly intended
to) slow down an economy.
 
 
28ISSReportNo.25
Conclusion: ending sanctions remains difficult
Ending unsuccessful sanctions is difficult. The sanctions have been imposed because
the target behaves in a way that is deemed unacceptable. If the sanctions do not
change that behaviour or constrain the target, there is no logical reason to end the
sanctions. Typically the ending of such sanctions needs a change of government,
often in the sanction target country, but sometimes also in the sanction sending
country. A new leadership can set new rules of engagement and this may offer an
opportunity to reevaluate the utility of economic sanctions that are still in place.
Monitoring the impact of sanctions, especially of their unintended consequences,
may provide arguments to review the sanction regime.
Ending successful sanctions looks straightforward but in reality it is also compli-
cated. Sanction goals may be adjusted over time or be only partially met. Still, for
sanctions to work, the commitment to lift sanctions and transparency about the
conditions under which this will be done needs to be clear. The negotiation among
senders over the sequencing of the suspension or lifting of sanctions has important
consequences for both target and senders and can have significant benefits for those
who first renew business activities with the targeted entity.
Failure to suspend or lift sanctions creates two problems for the senders of sanc-
tions. First, they place an administrative burden on sender states or institutions.
The UN never had more than six or seven sanctions regimes in place at the same
time during the 1990s. Today, the number has grown to sixteen simultaneous re-
gimes in place. Second, failure to lift sanctions after the situation changes under-
mines the legitimacy of sending institutions and makes it more difficult for them to
secure compliance by others

atom bomb

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۲۶ ۶ بازديد
Scientists at the beginning of the twentieth century discovered that
atoms contained an enormous amount of energy. The discov-
ery gave rise to the idea that releasing this energy by splitting the
atom might create a devastating weapon.
The idea was not taken seriously until World War II. Then, the fear that
the Germans might make an atomic bomb convinced the U.S. government
to try to develop one first. In 1942, the United States set in motion the Man-
hattan Project.
The Manhattan Project was a code name for the enormous industrial
and technical enterprise that produced the first atomic bomb. It cost 2 billion
dollars and employed the efforts of 600,000 people. U.S. Army Brigadier
General Leslie Groves had overall supervision. The physicist J. Robert
Oppenheimer was director of the Los Alamos, New Mexico, center where
the bomb was actually built.
A successful test explosion on July 16, 1945, near Alamogordo, New Mex-
ico, meant that the bomb was ready. The war in Europe had ended, but the
bomb could be used against the Japanese. A committee had already chosen
the city of Hiroshima as the first target.
The bomb was dropped on August 6, 1945, by a U.S. B-29 bomber nick-
named Enola Gay. The destruction was incredible. An area of about 5
square miles (13 sq km) was turned to ashes. Of the 76,000 buildings in
Hiroshima, 70,000 were flattened. Of the city’s 350,000 inhabitants, 140,000
had died by the end of 1945. By the end of 1950, another 50,000 had died
from the effects of radiation. A second bomb was dropped on Nagasaki on
August 9. The world had entered the Nuclear Age

women spies

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۲۵ ۱۰ بازديد
For thousands of years, governments have relied on
spies to gather information about their enemies. Until
the twentieth century, most spies were men. During
World War II, however, many women became active in
the world of espionage.
Yoshiko Kawashima was born in China but raised in
Japan. In 1932, she was sent to China by Japanese
authorities to gather information for the invasion of
China. Disguised as a young man, Kawashima was an
active and effective spy until her arrest by the Chinese
in 1945. The Chinese news agency announced that “a
long-sought-for beauty in male costume was arrested
today in Beijing.” She was executed soon after her
arrest.
Hekmath Fathmy was an Egyptian dancer. Her hatred
of the British, who had occupied Egypt, caused her to
become a spy for the Germans. Fathmy sang and
danced for British troops in the Kit Kat Club, a nightclub
in Cairo. After shows, she took British officers to her
houseboat on the banks of the Nile. Any information
she was able to obtain from her guests was passed on
to John Eppler, a German spy in Cairo. Eventually, she
was caught, but she served only a year in prison for her
spying activities.
Violette Szabo of French/Eng-
lish background became a spy
after her husband died fighting
the Germans in North Africa.
She joined Special Operations
Executive, an arm of British
Intelligence, and was sent to
France several times. In August
1944, she parachuted into
France to spy on the Germans.
Caught by Gestapo forces at
Salon La Tour, she was tortured
and then shipped to Ravens-
bruck, a women’s concentration
camp near Berlin. She was exe-
cuted there in April 1945

attak on the soviet union

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۲۳ ۵ بازديد
Attack on the Soviet Union Although he had no
desire for a two-front war, Hitler became convinced
that Britain was remaining in the war only because it
expected Soviet support. If the Soviet Union was
smashed, Britain’s last hope would be eliminated.
Moreover, Hitler had convinced himself that the
Soviet Union had a pitiful army and could be
defeated quickly.
Hitler’s invasion of the Soviet Union was sched-
uled for the spring of 1941, but the attack was
delayed because of problems in the Balkans. Hitler
had already gained the political cooperation of Hun-
gary, Bulgaria, and Romania. However, the failure of
Mussolini’s invasion of Greece in 1940 had exposed
Hitler’s southern flank to British air bases in Greece.
To secure his Balkan flank, Hitler therefore seized
both Greece and Yugoslavia in April.
Reassured, Hitler invaded the Soviet Union on
June 22, 1941. He believed that the Russians could
still be decisively defeated before the brutal winter
weather set in.
The massive attack stretched out along a front
some 1,800 miles (about 2,900 km) long. German
troops advanced rapidly, capturing two million Rus-
sian soldiers. By November, one German army group
had swept through Ukraine. A second army was
besieging the city of Leningrad, while a third
approached within 25 miles (about 40 km) of Moscow,
the Soviet capital.
An early winter and fierce Soviet resistance, how-
ever, halted the German advance. Because of the
planned spring date for the invasion, the Germans
had no winter uniforms. For the first time in the war,
German armies had been stopped. A counterattack i

ww2 story

تدریس تکنیکهای زبان ت سه شنبه ۲۰ شهریور ۰۳ | ۲۱:۲۰ ۶ بازديد
Treaty of Versailles
Following World War I, the victorious Allied Powers met to decide Germany’s future. Germany
was forced to sign the Treaty of Versailles.
Under this treaty, Germany had to accept guilt for the war and to pay reparations. Germany lost
territory and was prohibited from having a large military.
The humiliation faced by Germany under this treaty, paved the way for the spread of Ultra-
Nationalism in Germany.
Failure of the League of Nations
The League of Nations was an international organization set up in 1919 to keep world peace.
It was intended that all countries would be members and that if there were disputes between
countries, they could be settled by negotiation rather than by force.
The League of Nations was a good idea, but ultimately a failure, as not all countries joined the
league.
Also, the League had no army to prevent military aggression such as Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia in
Africa or Japan’s invasion of Manchuria in China.
Great Depression of 1929
The worldwide economic depression of the 1930s took its toll in different ways in Europe and
Asia.
In Europe, political power shifted to totalitarian and imperialist governments in several
countries, including Germany, Italy, and Spain.
In Asia, a resource-starved Japan began to expand aggressively, invading China and maneuvering
to control a sphere of influence in the Pacific.
Rise of Fascism
Victors’ stated aims in World War I had been “to make the world safe for democracy,” and
postwar Germany was made to adopt a democratic constitution, as did most of the other states
restored or created after the war.
In the 1920s, however, the wave of nationalistic, militaristic totalitarianism known by its Italian
name, fascism.
It promised to minister to peoples’ wants more effectively than democracy and presented itself as
the one sure defense against communism.
Benito Mussolini established the first Fascist, European dictatorship during the interwar period
in Italy in 1922.
Rise of Nazism
Adolf Hitler, the Leader of the German National Socialist (Nazi) party, preached a racist brand of
fascism.
2/7
 
 
Hitler promised to overturn the Versailles Treaty, restore German wealth & glory and secure
additional Lebensraum (“living space”) for the German people, who he contended deserve more
as members of a superior race.
In 1933 Hitler became the German Chancellor, and in a series of subsequent moves established
himself as dictator.
Moreover, in 1941 the Nazi regime unleashed a war of extermination against Slavs, Jews, and
other elements deemed inferior by Hitler’s ideology.
Policy of Appeasement
Hitler openly denounced the Treaty of Versailles and began secretly building up Germany’s army
and weapons.
Although Britain and France knew of Hitler’s actions, they thought a stronger Germany would
stop the spread of Communism from Russia.
An example of appeasement was the Munich Agreement of September 1938. In the Agreement,
Britain and France allowed Germany to annex areas in Czechoslovakia where German-speakers
lived.
Germany agreed not to invade the rest of Czechoslovakia or any other country. However, in
March 1939, Germany broke its promise and invaded the rest of Czechoslovakia.
Even then, neither Britain nor France was prepared to take military action.
Key Turning Points of the World War II
The Start
Three years of mounting international tension - encompassing the Spanish Civil War, the union of
Germany and Austria, Hitler's occupation of the Sudetenland and the invasion of Czechoslovakia
led to deterioration of ties between Axis Power and Allied Powers.
However, the German invasion of Poland on 1 September 1939 and subsequently two days later,
Britain and France declared war on Germany.
This marked the beginning of World War II.
Phoney War
The western Europe was very quiet during the first few months of the war.
This period of war is known as 'phoney war'.
Preparations for war continued in earnest, but there were few signs of conflict, and civilians of
the western european countries (allied powers) evacuated to safe places.
Ribbentrop Pact
By the early part of 1939 the German dictator Adolf Hitler had become determined to invade and
occupy Poland.
Poland, for its part, had guarantees of French and British military support should it be attacked
by Germany. Hitler intended to invade Poland anyway, but first he had to neutralize the
possibility that the Soviet Union would resist the invasion of its western neighbour.
Secret negotiations in August 1939, led to the signing of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact in
Moscow.
3/7
 
 
Further, Russia followed Germany into Poland in September and Poland was carved up between
the two invaders before the end of the year.
Winter War 1940
The 'winter war' between Russia and Finland concluded in March, and in the following month
Germany invaded Denmark and Norway.
Denmark surrendered immediately, but the Norwegians fought on - with British and French
assistance - surrendering in June 1940.
Fall of France 1940
After war with scandenavian countries got over, Germany invaded France, Belgium and Holland.
During this phase, the western Europe encountered the Blitzkrieg - or 'lightning war'.
Blitzkrieg: Germany's combination of fast armoured tanks on land, and superiority in the air,
made a unified attacking force that was both innovative and effective.
Despite greater numbers of air and army personnel in Allied powers, they proved no match
for German Forces.
In France an armistice was signed with Germany, with the puppet French Vichy government.
Having conquered France, Hitler turned his attention to Britain, and began preparations for an
invasion.
Battle of Britain 1940
Lasting from July to September 1940, it was the first war to be fought solely in the air.
German took decisions to attack from airfields and factories to the major cities, but somehow the
Royal Air Force managed to squeak a narrow victory.
This ensured the - ultimately indefinite - postponement of the German invasion plans.
War Getting Global
With continental Europe under Nazi control, and Britain safe - for the time being - the war took
on a more global dimension in 1941.
Following the defeat of Mussolini's armies in Greece and Tobruk, German forces arrived in North
Africa and invaded Greece and Yugoslavia in April 1941.
Operation Barbarossa
After facing defeat in Britain, Hitler broke the Ribbentrop Pact and invaded Russia in 1941.
The initial advance was swift, with the fall of Sebastopol at the end of October, and Moscow
coming under attack at the end of the year.
The bitter Russian winter, however, like the one that Napoleon had experienced a century and a
half earlier, crippled the Germans.
The Soviets counterattacked in December and the Eastern Front stagnated until the spring.
Pearl Harbour
The Japanese, tired of American trade embargoes, mounted a surprise attack on the US Navy
base of Pearl Harbor, in Hawaii, on 7 December 1941.
4/7
 
 
This ensured that global conflict commenced, with Germany declaring war on the US, a few days
later.
Also, within a week of Pearl Harbor, Japan had invaded the Philippines, Burma and Hong Kong.
American Entry Into the War
Through the Battle of Midway 1942, the US entered World War II. In this battle, US sea-based
aircraft destroyed four Japanese carriers and a cruiser, marking the turning point in World War
II.
Also, the news of mass murders of Jewish people by the Nazis reached the Allies, and the US
pledged to avenge these crimes.
Reversal of German Fortunes
By the second half of 1942, British forces gained the initiative in North Africa and Russian forces
counterattacked at Stalingrad.
In February 1943, Germany surrendered at Stalingrad to Soviet Union. This was the first major
defeat of Hitler's armies.
Further, German and Italian forces in North Africa surrendered to the Allies.
As the Russian advance on the Eastern Front gathered pace, recapturing Kharkiv and Kiev from
Germany. Moreover, Allied bombers began to attack German cities in enormous daylight air
raids.
The Russians reached Berlin (capital of Germany) on 21 April 1945.
Hitler killed himself on the 30 , two days after Mussolini had been captured and hanged by
Italian partisans.
Germany surrendered unconditionally on 7 May, and the following day was celebrated as VE
(Victory in Europe) day. The war in Europe was over.
Nuclear Bombing And The End
Plans were being prepared for an Allied invasion of Japan, but fears of fierce resistance and
massive casualties prompted Harry Truman - the new American president to sanction the use of
an atomic bomb against Japan.
Such bombs had been in development since 1942, and on 6 August 1945 one of them was
dropped on the Japanese city of Hiroshima.
Three days later another was dropped on Nagasaki.
No country could have withstand such attacks, and the Japanese surrendered on 14 August.
With the surrender of Japan, World War II was finally over.
th
5/7
 
 
Aftermath of World War II
New Superpowers
World War II brought about changes in the status of countries and continents. Britain and France
lost their positions of preeminence as superpowers and yielded place to the USA and the USSR.
Start of Decolonisation
After the war, Britain and France were confronted with various domestic and external problems.
Both of them could no longer hold onto their respective colonies Thus, the post-war world
witnessed the end of colonialism in Africa and Asia.
Birth of UN
One of the momentous results of the war was the birth of the United Nations Organisation.
Although the League failed to deliver, mankind did not altogether lose its hopes of making the
world a safer and happier place to live in.
The UN Charter enshrines the hopes and ideals of mankind on the basis of which countries can
work together to maintain lasting peace.
However, the establishment of the UN was agreed, much before the end of World War II under
the Atlantic Charter.
Start of Cold War
After the end of the war, a conference was held in Potsdam, Germany, to set up peace treaties.
The countries that fought with Hitler lost territory and had to pay reparations to the Allies.
Germany and its capital Berlin were divided into four parts.
The zones were to be controlled by Great Britain, the United States, France and the Soviet Union.
The three western Allies and the Soviet Union disagreed on many things and as time went on
Germany was divided into two separate countries: East Germany, which had a Communist
government and West Germany, which was a democratic state .
This laid the foundation of the Cold War.
New Economic World Order
Bretton Woods Conference, formally United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference,
meeting at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire (July 1–22, 1944), during World War II to make
financial arrangements for the postwar world after the expected defeat of Germany and Japan.
It drew up a project for the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD-now
known as World Bank) to make long-term capital available to states urgently needing such
foreign aid, and a project for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to finance short-term
imbalances in international payments in order to stabilize exchange rates.
Also, the US dollar was established as a reserve currency for the world trade.
India and World II
6/7
 
 
World War II had taken an immense toll on the British Empire. Britain had lost a lot of capital
and they were looking to their colonies to help them get the status of world power back. However,
Mahatma Gandhi at this time organized Indians against the British.
Also, World War II broke out to contain Hitler's intention of having German colonies beyond its
borders, the same colonial occupation that Britain had already been practicing for centuries.
Thus, after the war, people all over the world started supporting voices against British occupation
over its colonies.
When the Labour Party came to power in 1945 in Britain it inclined towards internationalism and
racial equality, among other liberal principles.
Soon after coming into power, Prime Minister Clement Attlee (Labour Party) began the process of
granting India its independence in 1947
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